David Aaronovitch highlights the policy fault lines between the Tory modernisers and the more traditional wing of the party, and says the former is attempting to woo "Holby City Woman", who has a responsible public sector job and worries about the health service, schools, childcare and their ageing parents. Aaronovitch says that last year he was "almost astonished" by policy chief Oliver Letwin, who said that equality of outcome as well as opportunity was a "proper concern of a Conservative government" and emancipation from both absolute and relative poverty was a "central objective".
But the modernisers are outnumbered by the old guard:
Forget post-expenses reform, they will say, because it is enough that we have won; forget equalities and PC nonsense; disband this quango, cut that grant. Then there are the increasingly vocal “savage cuts” fetishists, for whom the sober duty of book-balancing is a positive pleasure...Meanwhile, Rachel Sylvester examines David Cameron's "close knit circle of friends and advisers" - the Notting Hill Tories - and posits that this may develop into what could be regarded as "privileged clique".
She likens Cameron's set up to an "incestuous country village" and calls it less The West Wing and more an episode of Friends, while a Tory backbencher describes it as "dinner party politics". "Policymaking and strategy are driven by the gang", Sylvester says, while the Cameroons are friends and not just colleagues.
But the exclusivity and even wealth of the inner circle is causing increasing resentment, and Tory backbenchers are "remarkably grumpy" given the state of the opinion polls and last week's by-election victory. Shadow Cabinet ministers lament the lack of teamwork, policy discussion and consultation on key decisions. One frontbencher is quoted as saying:
The cliquiness is awful. Everyone should be very excited about the prospect of power but they’re not. People are very demoralised, there’s not much enthusiasm because the Cameron lot are so disdainful of everybody else.Of course, UK governance in the coming few years is likely to be something of a poisoned chalice given the state of the economy and public finances, not to mention the tough tax and spending decisions required to rebalance the country's books, but the policy and personnel fault lines outlined by David Aaronovitch and Rachel Sylvester will merely add to the difficulties likely to be faced by a Cameron government.
However, these issues are unlikely to change the course of the next general election, since that looks almost certain to be lost by Labour rather than won by the Conservatives. Moreover, as new Labour demonstrated in the mid-90s and the SNP replicated a decade later, internal party contradictions are likely to be kept in check and under wraps with the levers of power within touching distance, and this is likely to continue well into a new administration's honeymoon period. But half a dozen or so years hence it's a fair bet that both David Cameron and Alex Salmond will be on a rapid descent towards Blair-Brown-Bush-dom.


2 comments:
"what comes around......'
Parties will always have dividing lines, in some ways politics in this country actually needs those divisions exposed and explored rather than limp back benchers who nod appreciatively when their string is pulled.
We've seen that system take us into illegal wars and sleepwalk into economic meltdown.
In many ways the deep divisions of the main parties is widest in Labour between left / right. There is a growing fundamental realisation that the two are not immediately reconcilable without compromises that threaten to eradicate both.
With the Tories, the fight between 'c' & 'C" conservatism is relatively minor except ofcourse over Europe where the frayed edge of the party merges with UKIP.
The SNP's rift is largely sealed, 'fundmentalism' as it's been called is dead, it's been shown to have failed whereas 'gradualism' has been a success thus far and with Calman now reported and the Barnett Formulas likely to be reviewed is undoubedtly the right combination. The party is far enough left for the battel to be between the centre and the left on some issues but again thus far, the policy decisions have all been well left of centre and certainly left of Labour.
I wouldn't put too much stock in the Times pieces, the real story is why social mobility was so much greater under Thatcher than it has been under New Labour, when we look at higher education policy it isn't hard to see that 'c' conservatism of tuition fee's v the mass liberalisation under Thatcher of the sector is at the core of the problem.
But I suspect it's the case that if the SNP get into difficulties - say if an independence referendum was lost - then the fundamentalist/gradualist fault line will re-emerge as well as differences on non-constitutional substantive policies?
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